2. PRINCIPLES

2.1. The Conservative Party of Canada is founded on and will be guided in its policy formation by the following principles.

2.1.1. Good Governance

2.1.1.1. The Conservative Party of Canada will operate in a manner accountable and responsive to its members. -was 2.1.4

2.1.1.2. A belief in loyalty to a sovereign and united Canada governed in accordance with the Constitution of Canada, the supremacy of democratic parliamentary institutions and the rule of law. -was 2.1.5

2.1.1.3. A belief in our constitutional monarchy, the institutions of Parliament and the democratic process. -was 2.1.9

2.1.1.4. A belief in the federal system of government as the best expression of the diversity of our country, and in the desirability of strong provincial and territorial governments. -was 2.1.10

2.1.1.5. A Belief that responsible government must be fiscally prudent and should be limited to those responsibilities which cannot be discharged reasonably by the individual or others. -was 2.1.13

2.1.1.6. A belief that the purpose of Canada as a nation state and its government, guided by reflective and prudent leadership, is to create a climate wherein individual initiative is rewarded, excellence is pursued, security and privacy of the individual is provided and prosperity is guaranteed by a free competitive market economy. -was 2.1.15

2.1.1.7. A belief that good and responsible government is attentive to the people it represents and consists of members who at all times conduct themselves in an ethical manner and display integrity, honesty and concern for the best interest of all. -was 2.1.20

2.1.1.8. A belief in a respectful Parliament, internally and externally.

2.1.1.9. A belief in the independence of the Judiciary.

2.1.1.10. A belief in open, transparent and respectful Elected Officials as well as a respectful Canadian public to its Elected Officials.

2.1.1.11. A belief in an Efficient and Effective Civil Service, respectful of our Canadian citizens and residents, and respected by our Canadian citizens and residents.

2.1.2. National and Canadians Security

2.1.2.1. A belief that Canada should continue its strong heritage of national defence, supporting a well-armed military, honouring those who serve, and promoting our history and traditions. -was 2.1.16

2.1.2.2. A belief that the quality of the environment is a vital part of our heritage to be protected by each generation for the next. -was 2.1.17

2.1.2.3. A belief that Canada should accept its obligations among the nations of the world. -was 2.1.18

2.1.2.4. A belief that Canadian Jurisdiction extends beyond the coastline to include the internationally recognized regions of the Territorial Sea, Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and Continental Shelf. -was 2.1.19

2.1.2.5. A belief that the greatest potential for achieving social and economic objectives is under a global trading regime that is free and fair. -was 2.1.22

2.1.2.6. A belief in a defined defensive role for Canada as a “Middle Power” as defined by the “Canadian Defense White Paper”

2.1.2.7. A belief in Defined Defensive Alliances based on mutual Security and Values.

2.1.2.8. A belief in the defensive protection of Canadian essentials for life, liberty, environment and economy.

2.1.2.9. A belief that Pandemics are Public Emergencies, a biologic hazard, managed by Federal and Provincial Emergency Management Organizations armed with existing “Emergency Pandemic Influenza Plans” to:

2.1.2.9.1. Control the spread of influenza illness and deaths through preventive measures, care and treatment of the identified vulnerable

2.1.2.9.2. Mitigate societal disruption utilizing needed critical services

2.1.2.9.3. Minimize adverse economic impact, and

2.1.2.9.4. Support the efficient and effective use of resources for the concurrent response and recovery phase of the Emergency Management Plan and Process.

2.1.2.10. A belief in the consistent defensive support to International Human Rights.

2.1.3. Protection of our Rights and Freedoms

2.1.3.1. A belief in the value and dignity of all human life. -was 2.1.6

2.1.3.2. A belief in the equality of all Canadians. -was 2.1.7

2.1.3.3. A belief that English and French have equality of status and equal rights and privileges as to their use in all institutions of the Parliament and Government of Canada. -was 2.1.11

2.1.3.4. A belief in the freedom of the individual, including freedom of speech, worship and assembly. -was 2.1.8

2.1.3.5. A belief that any law that proffers to be a necessary benefit to Canadians that, however, infringes on a charter right and freedom, be tested for acceptance by the Supreme Court of Canada “Oakes Test” for acceptance.

2.1.3.6. A belief in the firm accountability of elected officials, and public and private sector breaches of ethical conduct and the law.

2.1.4. Economic Prosperity

2.1.4.1. A belief that the best guarantors of the prosperity and well-being of the People of Canada are: -was 2.1.12

2.1.4.1.1. the freedom of individual Canadians to pursue their enlightened and legitimate self-interest within a free competitive economy; -was 2.1.12.1

2.1.4.1.2. the freedom of individual Canadians to enjoy the fruits of their labour to the greatest extent, -was 2.1.12.2

2.1.4.1.3. the right to own property. -was 2.1.12.3

2.1.4.2. A belief that Canada ensures our financial stability and security of its Provinces and Nations including recognition of Canada’s need maintain our countries financial stability as an ally and partner for world trade and commerce.

2.1.4.3. A belief that the best way Canada can increase its wealth and prosperity, and reduce the cost of living is through three economic imperatives with;

2.1.4.3.1. Government industrial policies to assist the manufacturing, agriculture, mineral extraction, forestry and fishing industries,

2.1.4.3.2. A new Industrial Learning System that combines academic and task based workforce training for meaningful, employable, wealth-creating work, and

2.1.4.3.3. An Industry and supply chain management that develops Canadian business as the prime supplier of products that moves Canada to become a fully sustainable, resource and innovation driven economy, providing

2.1.5. Health and Welfare 

2.1.5.1. A belief that all Canadians should have reasonable access to quality healthcare regardless of their ability to pay. -was 2.1.21

2.1.5.2. A Belief that it is the responsibility of individuals to provide for themselves, their families and their dependents, while recognizing that government must respond to those who require assistance and compassion. -was 2.1.14

2.1.6. Unity

2.1.6.1. A belief in a balance between fiscal responsibility, compassionate social policy that empowers the less fortunate by promoting self-reliance and equality of opportunity, and the rights and responsibilities of individuals, families and free associations. -was 2.1.1

2.1.6.2. The goal of building a national coalition of people who share these beliefs and who reflect the regional, cultural and socio-economic diversity of Canada. -was 2.1.2

2.1.6.3. The goal of developing this coalition, embracing our differences and respecting our traditions, yet honouring a concept of Canada as the greater sum of strong parts. -was 2.1.3

Rationale:

In addition to adding a preamble to section 1. Name and Constitution Preamble by another Constitutional Amendment submission 910, the section 2. PRINICIPLES was reordered under each Preamble objective and then other missing beliefs or statements were added to round out each objective.  Of course, more refinement of existing or addition of new PRINCIPLES may be modified or added in the future.

Rationale for some of the new additions are as follows:

2.1.2.6. Canadian Defense White Papers

Last Defense White Paper was in 1994 and up till then our planning document for military expenditures, which were previously updated every 10 years since WWII.

In 1994 military budget of 1.7% of GDP close to meeting our 2% NATO commitment, whereas our 2023 military budget is 1.23% of GDP and in decline.  Without a defense white paper to guide us, our military budget is more of a political instrument than a Canadian defense plan. 

See the imbedded “Ideas on Canada’s National Interests” by L Col David Redman presented to the federal defensed committee May 2022 is posted at the bottom of this document.

Let’s reinstitute our Military Planning, via the Defense White Paper process, to guide our government to better spend our tax dollars and better increase and protect our Canadian National and Canadians Security.

2.1.2.9 Pandemics are “Public Emergencies”

Since the 2023 SARS COV1 infection in Toronto, our first corona virus, our Provincial Emergency Management Organizations (PMOs) have had Pandemic Emergency Influenza Plans, to manage this bio hazard, executed by trained and qualified emergency management personnel and our PMOs. 

The provinces, for some reason, ignored putting these plans in place, run by our EMOs and instead opted to give Medical Officers of Health (MOHs) the responsibility of advising government on the management of the COVID-19 pandemic.  The MOHs considered the pandemic as a “Public Health Emergency”, and only concentrated on protecting the capacity of our hospital system never identifying the vulnerable, and moving them to safety providing the necessary care to minimize death and injury.

It is now clear to everyone, that this caused immeasurable physical and mental harm to our people as well as great financial harm to our society, our government and our present and future economy.  The Pandemic, if managed as a “Public Emergency” by our EMOs using a concurrent response and recovery plan, would have addressed all facets of our society and economy to minimize and mitigate the collateral damage to our health and well being.  

The Pandemic Alternative Group proposed a pivot plan emergency management approach to all of the provinces during the COVID-19 pandemic and were not allowed in to speak with premiers, cabinet or sidelined emergency management officials.  A major effort was made and rejected in Ontario to speak with the Premiers Cabinet and Finance Minister, and the Long-Term Home study group.  The following was sent to them for their review.

https://pandemicalternative.org/files/Pandemic_Public_Emergency_Feb%208_2.pdf

...and if the pandemic alternative group met with the provincial premiers, cabinet and emergency management organizations, the following pivot plan would have been revealed.

https://pandemicalternative.org/index.php/about/38-principles/73-carousel-5-nullam-eget-ultrices-2

Let’s give back the responsibility for planning and execution of our pandemic response and recovery planning and execution to our Provincial Emergency Management Organizations.

2.1.3.5 the Supreme Court of Canada Oakes Test

Many. If not most of the pandemic laws, mandates, restrictions, and job dismissals executed by our governments were done by untested legal actions.  The Oakes test was never employed to determine if the benefits derived from society from pandemic laws outweighed the loss to our charter rights and freedoms.  The federal 2005 Quarantine Act is an example of excessive and sometimes egregious actions that restricted our rights and freedoms during the pandemic, and has never been tested by the Oakes test.  I bet the 2005 Quarantine Act will be ruled unconstitutional when tested.

The Oakes Test

The Court in R v Oakes created a two-step balancing test to determine whether a government can justify a law which limits a Charter right.

The government must establish that the law under review has a goal that is both “pressing and substantial.”

1. The law must be both important and necessary. Governments are usually successful in this first step.

2. The court then conducts a proportionality analysis using three sub-tests.

a.  The government must first establish that the provision of the law which limits a Charter right is rationally connected to the law’s purpose. If it is arbitrary or serves no logical purpose, then it will not meet this standard.

b.  Secondly, a provision must minimally impair the violated Charter right. A provision that limits a Charter right will be constitutional only if it impairs the Charter right as little as possible or is “within a range of reasonably supportable alternatives.”

c.  Finally, the court examines the law’s proportionate effects. Even if the government can satisfy the above steps, the effect of the provision on Charter rights may be too high a price to pay for the advantage the provision would provide in advancing the law’s purpose.

Reference: Centre for Constitutional Studies:

https://www.constitutionalstudies.ca/2019/07/oakes-test/

Let’s create a process that allows Canadians the ability to request the Oakes test to test government law that infringes on our charter rights and freedoms.

2.1.4.5 Three Economic Imperatives for Wealth and Prosperity

The concept of a carbon tax is a wealth destructive activity on the part of our current federal government, and part of this tax money is used to abate the production of carbon dioxide, again a process that creates very little wealth as compared to our most valuable wealth creating industries. The current government high tax strategy is destructive to our individual discretionary spending robbing us from purchasing more goods and services to grow our economy.  Currently our federal government is opposed to market driven expansion of our manufacturing, mining and oil and gas extraction industries that traditionally created most of the value-added wealth we formerly enjoyed.

Manufacturing is currently is at 9.5 % 2021 GDP, Mining and Oil/Gas extraction at 7.7 % GDP, and Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing at 2% GDP add up to 19.2 % of our total 2021 GDP.  When these three sectors become 30 % or more of our GDP, economists believe these value adding sectors will grow our economy out of our current state of inflation and grow the wealth and prosperity of all Canadians.

To do this:

1. support from Government/Industry/Energy created policies and plans to on-shore products and grow our businesses as we build a sustainable economy, and
2. a well trained and skilled workforce using a modern task-based learning system of apprenticed trades, technicians, engineers, and business staff and managers, and
3. apply research and working capital to modernize and improve our productivity and streamline our supply chain management.

Reference Take Back Manufacturing (TBM) , an imperative for Western Economies

https://www.canadianmetalworking.com/canadianmetalworking/article/management/take-back-manufacturing

The 3 Imperatives are listed for Canada by the Society for Manufacturing Engineering the following:

http://www.sme-tbm.org/the-tbm-initiative/

Let’s get our government and industry leaders back to work following policies that plan and accomplish a sustainable path to growth and prosperity we Canadians are capable of creating.

Ideas on Canada’s National Interests

L Col David Redman testified before the federal defense committee May 2022

National Vision and Interests

This country has given up even trying to define what National Interests are, the Objectives that fall from those National Interests, and then doing a White Paper on each objective defining the whats, hows, and whens.

When I was in Military College, 1972 - 1976, I took a compulsory course on the National Interests of Canada followed by a detailed review of Canada's White Paper on National Defence. Officers in the Army HAD TO KNOW what they were defending and what they were representing when the served Canada abroad. I have attached what is taught in India's Military Colleges. I doubt here is any course in RMC. What would they teach?

When was the last Federal definition of National Interests?

When was the last time White papers were written on National Objectives falling from these National Interests?

What is a White Paper?

The term originated when government papers were coded by color to indicate distribution, with white designated for public access. Thus, white papers are used in politics and business, as well as in technical fields, to educate readers and help people make decisions.

They used to be produced for any major federal government decision and direction.  Policy then fell from the White Paper “Vision” or “Doctrinal Statements”, with a full description of what the vision was based on, in terms of evidence and logic.

As a proud citizen of Canada, who spent most of his adult life in roles to provide security to our country, I believe it is time for Canada to step back and do a self-evaluation.

Canada and its National Interests

I found a recent Lesson plan from India, that they still use to teach their Military Cadets (like I was taught in 1975) the National Interests of their country and the Objectives that fall from them. Each of the Objectives are then linked to a White Paper.

National Interests

6.  Every nation, with whatever form of government, has certain political, social and economic interests and objectives to achieve overall development, prosperity, progress, nationalism and international recognition. To attain such objectives certain national interests are pre-requisites, which are as follows:

 a. Sovereignty. Foremost interest of the nation is to be autonomous and remain independent.

 b. Integrity. The nation should be full, indivisible and have a well-defined territory.

 c. Unity. The nation should be a secular union of states with political power belonging to a central confederate authority, with united and undivided goals without factional, sectarian or fanatical prejudices. It should be tolerant towards caste, colour, creed, religion and language of each other.

 d. Security. The nation must ensure safety, territorial integrity and protection of the state against external threat or subversion.

I could not find anything like this (a Definition of our future vision and Interests) for Canada or even for any Province at the provincial order of government.

Recently, provincial politicians asked to pick my brain of what would be the “National Security” concepts if Alberta was to separate from Canada. It was a two-hour discussion. It started and ended with me making it clear I am a Canadian Nationalist.

But it was based on my understanding that we, Alberta and Canada, need to actually take the time again to define our National and Provincial Interests, based on full input from our citizens.

India has stated their National Objectives (each then linked to a White Paper developed with full consultation). They have thought them through. They different at times from Canada but show they could be the same in some areas. This process needs to be done in Canada, and our Provinces, with full White Papers developed.

National Objectives

7. India is a developing country. It has made rapid progress in all the spheres after its independence, viz, agriculture, industrialisation, urbanization etc. To visualise what India would be in future in all spheres is not on easy task. While ultimate objectives and millennium goals of the nation lie ahead, the basic objectives are found in the Directive

Principles of State Policy enshrined in the Constitution of India which took effect when India became Republic.

Directive Principles of State Policy lays down a code of conduct for the administrators of India in the discharge of their responsibilities as agents of the sovereign nation. They guide the path which will lead the people of India to achieve the noble ideals which the preamble of the constitution proclaim justice, social, economic and political, liberty, equality and fraternity.

8. There are 16 articles of the constitution from 36-51 that deal with the Directive Principles of State Policy. Important ones out of these are as follows:

 a. To ensure and protect a social order which stands for the welfare of the people.

 b. Separation of judiciary from the executive.

 c. Protection of national monuments.

 d. Protection and improvement in environment, forests and wild life.

 e. Organize agriculture and animal husbandry on modern and scientific lines.

 f. Improvement of public health.

 g. Prohibition of intoxicating drinks and drugs.

 h. Promotion of educational and economic interests of weaker sections of the people.

 j. To have uniform code of law irrespective of caste, creed, colour or religion.

 k. Participation of workers and labourers in labour law.

 l. Promotion of cottage industries.

 m. Provision of maternity relief.

 n. Education to all.

 o. Equal justice to all.

 p. Equal pay for equal work for both men and women.

 q. Adequate means of livelihood to all citizens.

9. Apart from the above Directive Principles, current objectives of our nation are as follows:

 a. Self sufficiency in nuclear- power.

 b. Availability of reliable power supply for farming and industries.

 c. Production of goods for world markets.

 d. Balancing growth in both public and private sector.

 e. Modernization of villages, linking with roads and provision of electricity to all villages.

True “Canadian Leaders” in the past have lead discussions with our citizens where they defined Canada and its place in the world, on things like:

• National/Canadians Security

 o Consistent capabilities to counter external threats to Canadian Sovereignty

 o Defined Role for Canada as a middle power

 o Defined Alliances based on mutual Security and Values

 o Consistent capability ties to counter domestic threats to Security

 o Security linked to Trade – realistic and sustainable expectations

 o Sustainability of essentials for life

 o Consistent Support to International Human Rights linked with Allies

• Good Governance

 o Open and Transparent Elected Officials

 o  Respectful Parliaments internally and externally

 o Respected, Efficient and Effective Civil Service

 o Independence of the Judicial System

• Protection Domestically of Rights and Freedoms

 o  As defined in the Charter, consistently and firmly applied as defined in the Charter

 o Oakes Test before any Breach

 o Firm resolution of accountability for elected officials, public sector and private sector for breaches (Not just the Private sector)

• Economic Prosperity and Growth

 o. To ensure financial security of the Nation/Province (including international recognition of Canada’s financial stability as an ally and partner for trade)

 o. To ensure confident domestic growth and investment in Canada/Province

 o. To ensure realistic and consistent funding of National/Provincial services

Unity

 o. To ensure Security

 o. To ensure Trade

 -  Domestically

 -  Internationally

 o. To ensure Rights and Freedoms

 o. On our National Values

These need to be clearly defined, not filled with side issues or issues of a year, but on issues of a decade. These issues need to be defined based on unity not division.

They need to be built with involvement of Canadians, Academia, Public and Private sector, Unions, non-Union groups, religious groups (spiritualism has a role in defining a Country/Province), non-religious groups (I believe in both freedom of and from religion), etc.

A straw person should be built by leadership, with vigorous debate, but then it must be kicked to life, equally vigorously, in public debate.

A Provincial Perspective on Interests and Objectives

For the Provincial order of government five areas could include the following (note they are linked to provincial areas of jurisdiction as defined in the Canadian Constitution without federal over reach):

• Social - the demographics of the province tied to the expectations for quality of life in 25 years. Things like:

 o. A definition of objectives for self-responsibility of citizens for their social needs

 o. Then a definition of objectives for:

 -  support of seniors (those who contributed to the building of our country and province),  

 -  support of pre-school children (our future),

 -  support of families,

 -  support of the disadvantaged in our society,

 -  support of the medically unfit.

 o. A definition of our goals for recreation, wellness, physical fitness and leisure activities.

• Economic – the definition of what makes up the sustainable private sector, the government sector and our Albertans’ personal income matched to cost of living in 25 years.

o. What will make up our private sector in 25 years, based on logical assumptions that the economic well-being of residents.

o. What will be a logically split for technologies/products (all sources both renewable and non-renewable), agriculture, livestock, environmental technologies, forestry and forestry products, high tech industry, low tech industry, manufacturing of goods (what types of goods fit in the provincial vision), services (type of services linked to the social objectives), space technology, transportation technology and systems, health care technology and products, etc.

o.  For each area we need to define if the province will be an industry leader or a partner, worldwide, nationwide or locally.

o. Clearly to be a leader, the academic objectives would then be linked to these economic objectives for the 25-year Vision.

o. All of these economic objectives also must be linked to environmental objectives.

• Environmental – a definition of the state of the province for water, air, land linked to a sustainable quality of life in 25 years. The need to link the social and economic objectives to these objectives is obvious, but so must the academic and governmental objectives, for sustainability and ever greening of the governance and process. Things like:

 o. Objectives for self-sufficiency of food supply and water supply for the entire long-term population of the province needs to be defined here.  Ideas like Tower or Vertical Farming need to be incorporated into our cities, and a logic rural policy for farms and farmland implemented.

o.  A definition of objectives for self-sufficiency of “green” energy should be defined. The objectives not only for making industry green, but also what the role will be in industry that makes green process and product. This needs to be linked to the Economic objectives directly.

o.  A definition of the green objectives for all infrastructure, including government, industry and private homes, not just in terms of what they do to harm our environment, but what they do to help our environment.

 o. Objectives for the province’s international and national environmental responsibilities and partnerships need to be laid out to show that residents are leaders, not followers.

• Academic – a definition of the role and sustainable make-up of the academic community in the province in 25 years, for education and for training (the definition needs to clearly identify the differences between education and training, while showing linkages that maybe wished to be define). A definition of areas where the province will strive to be a world leader, a Canadian centre of excellence, a provincial focus or part of a larger academic community. Objectives for the capacity and capability for:

o. education of our youth,

o. continuous education of our population,

o. pure research,

o. targeted academic development of ideas emerging from pure research to take them to market,

o. training for job skills, both white collar and blue collar, to retraining, knowing that careers in the future will be likely shorter and multifaceted

• Governmental – a definition of the objectives in 25 years for each order of government in the province, their roles and capacity (including the provincial government, municipal government, regional government). A definition of the interrelationship between our orders of government and the private sector and not-for-profit organizations (including the governance form and process for each order of government and for the linking of orders of government, including to the federal government). In the definitions we need to ensure that the government roles and capacity for first the four objectives (Social, Economic, Environmental and Academic) are established, and that the eternal responsibilities of government for communal safety and security are included.

Concluding Thoughts

1. Until Canada and it’s Provinces step back and define their National/Provincial Objectives, clearly and in detail, the country and its citizens will wander from each internal/external crisis to the next.

2. In addition, politicians will be allowed to turn small issues into what appear to be major areas of national interest, obscuring what is actually the issues that will make or break our Country.

3. The definition of these National/Provincial Interests is just the first step. They then need to be broken into clear and achievable National Objectives. Then a full development of White Papers on each National Objective must be done.

4. Finally, something that our current political leadership has failed to grasp, these White Papers need to be rolled out in actual PLANS, with governance defined, intent clearly stated, firm timelines established, resources allocated, and feedback systems in place (to permit adjustment and correction as required). This process is the topic of a separate paper and discussion

2. PRINCIPES

2.1. Le Parti conservateur du Canada est fondé sur les principes suivants, qui le guideront dans l'élaboration de ses politiques.

2.1.1. Bonne gouvernance

2.1.1.1. Le Parti conservateur du Canada fonctionnera de manière à rendre des comptes à ses membres et à répondre à leurs besoins. -was 2.1.4

2.1.1.2. Une croyance en la loyauté envers un Canada souverain et uni, gouverné conformément à la Constitution du Canada, à la suprématie des institutions parlementaires démocratiques et à la primauté du droit. -was 2.1.5

2.1.1.3. Croire en notre monarchie constitutionnelle, aux institutions du Parlement et au processus démocratique. -was 2.1.9

2.1.1.4. La conviction que le système fédéral de gouvernement est la meilleure expression de la diversité de notre pays et qu'il est souhaitable d'avoir des gouvernements provinciaux et territoriaux forts. -was 2.1.10

2.1.1.5. La conviction qu'un gouvernement responsable doit être prudent sur le plan financier et devrait se limiter aux responsabilités qui ne peuvent être assumées raisonnablement par l'individu ou d'autres personnes. -was 2.1.13

2.1.1.6. La conviction que l'objectif du Canada en tant qu'État-nation et de son gouvernement, guidé par un leadership réfléchi et prudent, est de créer un climat dans lequel l'initiative individuelle est récompensée, l'excellence est recherchée, la sécurité et la vie privée de l'individu sont assurées et la prospérité est garantie par une économie de marché libre et compétitive. -was 2.1.15

2.1.1.7. La conviction qu'un gouvernement bon et responsable est à l'écoute des personnes qu'il représente et se compose de membres qui, à tout moment, se conduisent de manière éthique et font preuve d'intégrité, d'honnêteté et de souci de l'intérêt supérieur de tous. -was 2.1.20

2.1.1.8. Croire en un Parlement respectueux, tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur.

2.1.1.9. La croyance en l'indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire.

2.1.1.10. La croyance en des élus ouverts, transparents et respectueux, ainsi qu'en un public canadien respectueux de ses élus.

2.1.1.11. Croire en une fonction publique efficace et efficiente, respectueuse de nos citoyens et résidents canadiens, et respectée par nos citoyens et résidents canadiens.

2.1.2. Sécurité nationale et canadienne

2.1.2.1. La conviction que le Canada doit maintenir son solide héritage de défense nationale, en soutenant une armée bien armée, en honorant ceux qui servent et en promouvant notre histoire et nos traditions. -was 2.1.16

2.1.2.2. La conviction que la qualité de l'environnement est un élément essentiel de notre patrimoine qui doit être protégé par chaque génération pour la suivante. -Was 2.1.17

2.1.2.3. La conviction que le Canada doit accepter ses obligations parmi les nations du monde. -Was 2.1.18

2.1.2.4. La conviction que la juridiction canadienne s'étend au-delà du littoral pour inclure les régions internationalement reconnues de la mer territoriale, de la zone économique exclusive (ZEE) et du plateau continental. -was 2.1.19

2.1.2.5. La conviction que c'est dans le cadre d'un régime commercial mondial libre et équitable que l'on peut le mieux atteindre les objectifs sociaux et économiques. -was 2.1.22

2.1.2.6. Croire en un rôle défensif défini pour le Canada en tant que "puissance moyenne", tel que défini dans le "Livre blanc sur la défense canadienne".

2.1.2.7. Croire en des alliances défensives définies, fondées sur une sécurité et des valeurs mutuelles.

2.1.2.8. Croire en la protection défensive des éléments essentiels de la vie, de la liberté, de l'environnement et de l'économie du Canada.

2.1.2.9. La conviction que les pandémies sont des urgences publiques, un risque biologique, géré par les organisations fédérales et provinciales de gestion des urgences armées des "plans d'urgence en cas de pandémie de grippe" existants :

2.1.2.9.1. Contrôler la propagation de la maladie grippale et des décès par des mesures préventives, des soins et un traitement des personnes vulnérables identifiées.

2.1.2.9.2. Atténuer les perturbations sociétales en utilisant les services essentiels nécessaires

2.1.2.9.3. Minimiser l'impact économique négatif, et

2.1.2.9.4. Soutenir l'utilisation efficace et efficiente des ressources pour la phase simultanée d'intervention et de rétablissement du plan et du processus de gestion des urgences.

2.1.2.10. Croire en un soutien défensif cohérent aux droits de l'homme internationaux.

2.1.3. Protection de nos droits et libertés

2.1.3.1. Croire en la valeur et la dignité de toute vie humaine. -was 2.1.6

2.1.3.2. La croyance en l'égalité de tous les Canadiens. -était 2.1.7

2.1.3.3. La conviction que le français et l'anglais ont un statut et des droits et privilèges égaux quant à leur usage dans toutes les institutions du Parlement et du gouvernement du Canada. -was 2.1.11

2.1.3.4. La croyance en la liberté individuelle, y compris la liberté d'expression, de culte et de réunion. -was 2.1.8

2.1.3.5. La conviction que toute loi qui se présente comme un avantage nécessaire pour les Canadiens, mais qui porte atteinte à un droit et à une liberté garantie par la Charte, doit être soumise au test d'acceptation de la Cour suprême du Canada, le "test Oakes".

2.1.3.6. Une croyance dans la responsabilité ferme des élus et dans les violations de l'éthique et de la loi dans les secteurs public et privé.

2.1.4. Prospérité économique

2.1.4.1. La conviction que les meilleurs garants de la prospérité et du bien-être du peuple canadien sont : -était 2.1.12

2.1.4.1.1. La liberté de chaque Canadien de poursuivre son intérêt personnel éclairé et légitime dans le cadre d'une économie libre et compétitive ; -was 2.1.12.1

2.1.4.1.2. La liberté de chaque Canadien de jouir au maximum des fruits de son travail, -était 2.1.12.2

2.1.4.1.3. Le droit de propriété. -était 2.1.12.3

2.1.4.2. La conviction que le Canada assure notre stabilité financière et la sécurité de ses provinces et de ses nations, y compris la reconnaissance de la nécessité pour le Canada de maintenir la stabilité financière de notre pays en tant qu'allié et partenaire pour le commerce et les échanges mondiaux.

2.1.4.3. La conviction que la meilleure façon pour le Canada d'accroître sa richesse et sa prospérité et de réduire le coût de la vie consiste à respecter trois impératifs économiques ;

2.1.4.3.1. Les politiques industrielles du gouvernement visant à aider les industries manufacturières, l'agriculture, l'extraction minière, la sylviculture et la pêche,

2.1.4.3.2. Un nouveau système d'apprentissage industriel qui combine une formation académique et une formation axée sur les tâches pour un travail utile, employable et créateur de richesses, et

2.1.4.3.3. Une gestion de l'industrie et de la chaîne d'approvisionnement qui fait des entreprises canadiennes le principal fournisseur de produits permettant au Canada de devenir une économie entièrement durable, fondée sur les ressources et l'innovation.

2.1.5  Santé et protection sociale

2.1.5.1. La conviction que tous les Canadiens devraient avoir un accès raisonnable à des soins de santé de qualité, indépendamment de leur capacité à payer. -was 2.1.21

2.1.5.2. La conviction qu'il incombe aux individus de subvenir à leurs besoins, à ceux de leur famille et des personnes à leur charge, tout en reconnaissant que le gouvernement doit répondre à ceux qui ont besoin d'aide et de compassion. -was 2.1.14

2.1.6. Unité

2.1.6.1. Croire en un équilibre entre la responsabilité fiscale, une politique sociale compatissante qui renforce les moins fortunés en promouvant l'autonomie et l'égalité des chances, et les droits et responsabilités des individus, des familles et des associations libres. -was 2.1.1

2.1.6.2. L'objectif de construire une coalition nationale de personnes qui partagent ces convictions et qui reflètent la diversité régionale, culturelle et socio-économique du Canada. -was 2.1.2

2.1.6.3. L'objectif de développer cette coalition, en acceptant nos différences et en respectant nos traditions, tout en honorant le concept du Canada comme la plus grande somme de parties fortes. -was 2.1.3

Justification:

Outre l'ajout d'un préambule à la section 1. Nom et préambule de la Constitution par une autre proposition d'amendement constitutionnel 910, la section 2. PRINCIPE a été réorganisée sous chaque objectif du préambule et d'autres croyances ou déclarations manquantes ont été ajoutées pour compléter chaque objectif.  Bien entendu, d'autres précisions sur les PRINCIPES existants ou l'ajout de nouveaux PRINCIPES pourront être modifiés ou ajoutés à l'avenir.

La raison d'être de certains des nouveaux ajouts est la suivante :

2.1.2.6. Livres blancs canadiens sur la défense

Le dernier Livre blanc sur la défense date de 1994 et constituait jusqu'alors notre document de planification des dépenses militaires, qui était mis à jour tous les dix ans depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

En 1994, le budget militaire représentait 1,7 % du PIB, ce qui nous rapprochait de notre engagement de 2 % envers l'OTAN, alors qu'en 2023, le budget militaire représentait 1,23 % du PIB et était en baisse.  Sans livre blanc sur la défense pour nous guider, notre budget militaire est plus un instrument politique qu'un plan de défense canadien. 

Rétablissons notre planification militaire, via le processus du Livre blanc de la défense, pour guider notre gouvernement afin de mieux dépenser l'argent de nos impôts et de mieux accroître et protéger notre sécurité nationale et celle des Canadiens.

2.1.2.9 Les pandémies sont des "urgences publiques".

Depuis l'infection par le SARS COV1 à Toronto en 2023, notre premier virus corona, nos organisations provinciales de gestion des urgences (PMO) ont mis en place des plans d'urgence en cas de pandémie de grippe, afin de gérer ce risque biologique, exécutés par du personnel de gestion des urgences formé et qualifié et par nos PMO. 

Pour une raison ou une autre, les provinces ont ignoré la mise en place de ces plans, gérés par nos organisations de gestion des urgences, et ont préféré confier aux médecins hygiénistes la responsabilité de conseiller le gouvernement sur la gestion de la pandémie de COVID-19.  Les médecins hygiénistes ont considéré la pandémie comme une "urgence de santé publique" et se sont contentés de protéger la capacité de notre système hospitalier, sans jamais identifier les personnes vulnérables et les mettre à l'abri en leur fournissant les soins nécessaires pour minimiser les décès et les blessures.

Il est désormais clair pour tout le monde que cela a causé des dommages physiques et mentaux incommensurables à notre population, ainsi qu'un grand préjudice financier à notre société, à notre gouvernement et à notre économie actuelle et future.  La pandémie, si elle avait été gérée comme une "urgence publique" par nos organisations de gestion des urgences à l'aide d'un plan d'intervention et de redressement simultané, aurait touché toutes les facettes de notre société et de notre économie afin de minimiser et d'atténuer les dommages collatéraux causés à notre santé et à notre bien-être. 

Le Pandémique Alternative Group a proposé un plan pivot de gestion des urgences à toutes les provinces pendant la pandémie de COVID-19 et n'a pas été autorisé à s'entretenir avec les premiers ministres, le cabinet ou les responsables de la gestion des urgences mis à l'écart.  Un effort important a été fait et rejeté en Ontario pour s'entretenir avec le cabinet du premier ministre et le ministre des finances, ainsi qu'avec le groupe d'étude sur les foyers de longue durée.  Le document suivant leur a été envoyé pour examen.

https://pandemicalternative.org/files/Pandemic_Public_Emergency_Feb%208_2.pdf

...et si le groupe d'alternative à la pandémie avait rencontré les premiers ministres provinciaux, le cabinet et les organisations de gestion des urgences, le plan pivot suivant aurait été révélé.

https://pandemicalternative.org/index.php/about/38-principles/73-carousel-5-nullam-eget-ultrices-2

Rendons à nos organisations provinciales de gestion des urgences la responsabilité de la planification et de l'exécution de notre réponse à la pandémie et de la planification et de l'exécution du rétablissement.

2.1.3.5 le test Oakes de la Cour suprême du Canada

Beaucoup. Si ce n'est la plupart des lois, mandats, restrictions et licenciements liés à la pandémie exécutée par nos gouvernements l'ont été par le biais d'actions juridiques non testées.  Le test Oakes n'a jamais été utilisé pour déterminer si les avantages tirés par la société des lois sur la pandémie l'emportaient sur la perte des droits et libertés garantis par la Charte.  La loi fédérale de 2005 sur la quarantaine est un exemple d'actions excessives et parfois flagrantes qui ont restreint nos droits et libertés pendant la pandémie, et elle n'a jamais été soumise au test Oakes.  Je parie que la loi de 2005 sur la quarantaine sera jugée inconstitutionnelle lorsqu'elle sera testée.

Le test Oakes

Dans l'affaire R. c. Oakes, la Cour a créé un test d'équilibre en deux étapes pour déterminer si un gouvernement peut justifier une loi qui limite un droit garanti par la Charte.

1. Le gouvernement doit établir que la loi examinée a un objectif à la fois "urgent et substantiel". La loi doit être à la fois importante et nécessaire. Les gouvernements réussissent généralement à franchir cette première étape.

2. Le tribunal procède ensuite à une analyse de proportionnalité à l'aide de trois critères secondaires.

a. Le gouvernement doit d'abord établir que la disposition de la loi qui limite un droit garanti par la Charte est rationnellement liée à l'objectif de la loi. Si elle est arbitraire ou ne sert aucun objectif logique, elle ne répondra pas à ce critère.

b. Deuxièmement, une disposition doit porter une atteinte minimale au droit garanti par la Charte qui a été violé. Une disposition qui limite un droit garanti par la Charte ne sera constitutionnelle que si elle porte le moins possible atteinte au droit garanti par la Charte ou si elle se situe "à l'intérieur d'un éventail de solutions de rechange raisonnablement soutenables".

c. Enfin, la Cour examine les effets proportionnés de la loi. Même si le gouvernement peut satisfaire aux étapes ci-dessus, l'effet de la disposition sur les droits garantis par la Charte peut être un prix trop élevé à payer pour l'avantage que la disposition apporterait à la réalisation de l'objectif de la loi.

Référence : Centre d'études constitutionnelles :

https://www.constitutionalstudies.ca/2019/07/oakes-test/

Créons un processus qui permette aux Canadiens de demander le test Oakes pour tester les lois gouvernementales qui portent atteinte aux droits et libertés garantis par la Charte.

2.1.4.5 Trois impératifs économiques pour la richesse et la prospérité

Le concept de taxe carbone est une activité destructrice de richesse de la part de notre gouvernement fédéral actuel, et une partie de l'argent de cette taxe est utilisée pour réduire la production de dioxyde de carbone, encore une fois un processus qui crée très peu de richesse par rapport à nos industries créatrices de richesse les plus précieuses. La stratégie actuelle de taxation élevée du gouvernement est destructrice de nos dépenses discrétionnaires individuelles et nous empêche d'acheter davantage de biens et de services pour faire croître notre économie.  Actuellement, le gouvernement fédéral s'oppose à l'expansion de nos industries manufacturières, minières, pétrolières et gazières, qui créent traditionnellement la majeure partie de la richesse à valeur ajoutée dont nous jouissions auparavant.

L'industrie manufacturière représente actuellement 9,5 % du PIB de 2021, l'extraction minière et pétrolière/gazière 7,7 %, et l'agriculture, la sylviculture et la pêche 2 %, soit 19,2 % de notre PIB total de 2021.  Lorsque ces trois secteurs représenteront 30 % ou plus de notre PIB, les économistes estiment que ces secteurs à valeur ajoutée permettront à notre économie de sortir de l'inflation actuelle et d'accroître la richesse et la prospérité de tous les Canadiens.

Pour ce faire

1. le soutien du gouvernement, de l'industrie et du secteur de l'énergie pour créer des politiques et des plans visant à délocaliser les produits et à développer nos entreprises dans le cadre de la mise en place d'une économie durable, et
2. d'une main-d'œuvre bien formée et qualifiée, utilisant un système moderne d'apprentissage basé sur les tâches, composé  d'apprentis, de techniciens, d'ingénieurs, de personnel et de dirigeants d'entreprise, et
3. appliquer la recherche et les fonds de roulement pour moderniser et améliorer notre productivité et rationaliser la gestion de notre chaîne d'approvisionnement.

Remettons notre gouvernement et nos dirigeants industriels au travail en appliquant des politiques qui planifient et réalisent une voie durable vers la croissance et la prospérité que nous, Canadiens, sommes capables de créer.

Référence Reprendre la fabrication (TBM), un impératif pour les économies occidentales

https://www.canadianmetalworking.com/canadianmetalworking/article/management/take-back-manufacturing

Les 3 impératifs sont énumérés pour le Canada par la Society for ingénierie de fabrication:

http://www.sme-tbm.org/the-tbm-initiative/

Remettons notre gouvernement et nos dirigeants industriels au travail en appliquant des politiques qui planifient et réalisent une voie durable vers la croissance et la prospérité que nous, Canadiens, sommes capables de créer.

L'AED a voté : Oui